Showing posts with label On Civil Liberties. Show all posts
Showing posts with label On Civil Liberties. Show all posts

Saturday, August 15, 2015

An Equal Protection Argument for Challenging Heien v. North Carolina






In Heien v. North Carolina135 S.Ct. 530 (2014), the U.S. Supreme Court has issued forth its new edict asserting the Fourth Amendment is not disturbed if a constitutional deprivation occurs because of a police officer's reasonable mistake of the law. This creates a scheme where divergent interpretations of the same statute may produce unequal outcomes, which may ultimately prove to be untenable under the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Hein v. North Carolina stems from a routine traffic stop which escalated into a felony drug arrest after a law enforcement officer discovered cocaine in the defendant's vehicle. The officer’s pretext for the stop was that he believed state law prohibited driving a vehicle with a broken brake light. However, the statute in question only requires one working brake light. During the stop, the drugs were discovered after the defendant granted the officer consent to search his vehicle.

Prior to trial, the defendant filed a Motion in limine to suppress the evidence seized on the grounds that the officer’s erroneous pretext for the stop violated the Fourth Amendment. The Trial Court denied the motion to suppress and the defendant was convicted. The State Court of Appeals reversed, finding that the officer's mistake of law meant that no probable cause existed for the initial stop. On appeal, the North Carolina Supreme Court upheld the Trial Court's decision to deny defendant's motion to suppress the evidence, ruling that the officer’s mistake of law was a “reasonable” one, thus the stop did not violate the Fourth Amendment. On appeal, the U.S. Supreme Court granted certiori to hear the case.

The ACLU's amicus curiae brief on behalf of the defendant, Nicholas Heien, argued the North Carolina Supreme Court's decision should be overturned on the grounds that treating mistakes of fact and law in the same manner under the Fourth Amendment contravenes well established legal principles. Attorneys argued:
The legal standard against which the facts and circumstances are judged does not depend upon what was known to the officer. Instead, it is based on the “infraction itself.” Whren v. United States, 517 U.S. 806, 818 (1996); accord Michigan v. DeFillippo, 443 U.S. 31, 36 (1979) (“Whether an officer is authorized to make an arrest ordinarily depends, in the first instance, on state law.”). The question is not whether the facts could have caused a law enforcement official to perceive a violation of a law he reasonably believed to exist; it is whether the facts could have given rise to reasonable suspicion of a violation of an actual law. See, e.g., United States v. Cortez, 449 U.S. 411, 417 (1981) (“An investigatory stop must be justified by some objective manifestation that the person stopped is, or is about to be, engaged in criminal activity.”); Delaware v. Prouse, 440 U.S. 648, 661 (1979) (“When there is not probable cause to believe that a driver is violating any one of the multitude of applicable traffic and equipment regulations—or other articulable basis amounting to reasonable suspicion that the driver is unlicensed or his vehicle unregistered—we cannot conceive of any legitimate basis [for a stop.]” (footnote omitted)).
As a matter of public policy, the ACLU argues that adopting the rule crafted by the North Carolina Supreme Court has negative consequences on individual liberty. Their brief asserts, "[i]f the Fourth Amendment inquiry hinges on the reasonableness of police officers’ beliefs about the law ... the rule will enable an expansive new category of government intrusions." Put into practice, the rule could justify intrusions "based on all manner of innocent conduct, so long as the state raises, post-hoc, a non-frivolous question of statutory interpretation."
The ACLU further contends "allowing state intrusions that have no basis in law, undermines the legitimacy of law enforcement and threatens officer safety." In support of their position, they put forward the argument that "the rule diminishes incentives to ensure that law enforcement officials receive thorough and up-to-date training in the law. See United States v. Nicholson, 721 F.3d 1236, 1242 (10th Cir. 2013) (“Permitting officers to excuse their mistakes of substantive law as ‘reasonable’ ‘would remove the incentive for police to make certain that they properly understand the law that they are entrusted to enforce and obey.’” (quoting United States v. Lopez-Soto, 205 F.3d 1101, 1106 (9th Cir. 2000)))." In addition, the ACLU argues "the rule may damage the public perception of law enforcement’s knowledge and authority, discouraging citizens from obeying or cooperating with police and alienating law enforcement officials from those they serve." As a result, officer safety could be negatively impacted "by encouraging citizens to dispute the law with officers who are no longer presumed to understand it."

The U.S. supreme Court disagreed. In an 8-1 majority opinion, the U.S. supreme Court adopted the North Carolina Supreme Court's position as the new standard for "reasonableness" under the Fourth Amendment. The Court held, "Because [Officer] Darisse’s mistake of law was reasonable, there was reasonable suspicion justifying the stop under the Fourth Amendment." Chief Justice Roberts, delivering the opinion of the Court, provided the following rationale:
Reasonable suspicion arises from the combination of an officer’s understanding of the facts and his understanding of the relevant law. The officer may be reasonably mistaken on either ground. Whether the facts turn out to be not what was thought, or the law turns out to be not what was thought, the result is the same: the facts are outside the scope of the law. There is no reason, under the text of the Fourth Amendment or our precedents, why this same result should be acceptable when reached by way of a reasonable mistake of fact, but not when reached by way of a similarly reasonable mistake of law.
The lone dissenter, Justice Sotomayor reasoned:
The Court is, of course, correct that “‘the ultimate touchstone of the Fourth Amendment is “reasonableness.”’” Riley v. California, 573 U. S. ___, ___ (2014) (slip op., at 5). But this broad statement simply sets the standard a court is to apply when it conducts its inquiry into whether the Fourth Amendment has been violated. It does not define the categories of inputs that courts are to consider when assessing the reasonableness of a search or seizure, each of which must be independently justified. What this case requires us to decide is whether a police officer’s understanding of the law is an input into the reasonableness inquiry, or whether this inquiry instead takes the law as a given and assesses an officer’s understanding of the facts against a fixed legal yardstick. I would hold that determining whether a search or seizure is reasonable requires evaluating an officer’s understanding of the facts against the actual state of the law.

The vehicle for challenging the recent Fourth Amendment precedent established by the Court under Heien v. North Carolina may reside in the Fourteenth Amendment's due process and equal protection clauses, which protect individuals against arbitrary application of the law. The Court's ruling in Heien v. North Carolina creates a scenario whereby an unequal application of the law most likely will arise through individual police officers enforcing different standards, which stabs through the heart of the original guarantee against an unequal application of the law enumerated by the Fourteenth Amendment.

An appeal to the Court's void for vagueness jurisprudence transforms a Fourth Amendment inquiry over the reasonableness of the officer's actions, into a Fourteenth Amendment due process inquiry into the reasonableness of the statute, as applied to the defendant. If the offending statute was applied in an arbitrary or discriminatory manner against the defendant, then they have suffered a deprivation of their due process and equal protection rights through its enforcement, regardless of the reasonableness of the officer's actions. Hence, any evidence gained as a result of the constitutional deprivation becomes fruit of the poisoned tree.

The first step in evaluating whether a law is unconstitutionally vague is to determine if the statute provides adequate notice of what conduct is prohibited. United States v. National Dairy Products Corp., 372 U.S. 29, 33 (1963) (citing United States v. Harriss, 347 U. S. 612, 618 (1954)). A regulation must be sufficiently clear to warn a party regarding what is expected of them before they can be sanctioned for failure to comply with the required regulation. Id. at 33. Legislation is not unconstitutionally vague if the law’s prohibitions are such that an ordinary person exercising common sense is able to understand and comply. CSC v. Letter Carriers, 413 U.S. 548, 579 (1973).

The second step is to determine if the statute is drafted in a manner that fosters arbitrary or discriminatory enforcement. To prevent arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement, laws must provide explicit standards for those who apply them. A law is unconstitutionally vague when it "impermissibly delegates basic policy matters to policemen, judges, and juries for resolution on an ad hoc and subjective basis, with the attendant dangers of arbitrary and discriminatory applications." Grayned v. City of Rockford, 408 U.S. 104, 108-09 (1972), quoted in Village of Hoffman Estates v. The Flipside, 455 U.S. 489, 498 (1982). The vagueness may be from uncertainty in regard to persons within the scope of the act, or in regard to the applicable tests to ascertain guilt. Winters v. New York, 333 U.S. 507, 515 -16 (1948); Cf. Colten v. Kentucky, 407 U.S. 104, 110 (1972).

Here, a law enforcement officer who has been deemed to have made a "reasonable" mistake of law in regards to the enforcement of a traffic ordinance provides the necessary ammunition for challenging the offending statute on the grounds that it fosters arbitrary or discriminatory enforcement. By deeming a police officer's mistake of law as "reasonable," what the Court has inadvertently established is that the law in question is capable of being applied on an "ad hoc and subjective basis," which in turn fosters arbitrary and discriminatory application. This would make it impossible for the reasonable person, exercising ordinary common sense, to comply with the statute in such a manner that would protect them from being targeted.

This opens the door for a creative legal strategy of challenging an arrest on the grounds that the underlying statutory offense providing justification for the stop is unconstitutionally void for vagueness. The legal dichotomy this creates is that either the officer's understanding of the law was unreasonable, causing a Fourth Amendment deprivation, or that the law, as applied to the defendant, is capable of being reasonably misinterpreted and arbitrarily applied, hence, is unconstitutionally vague.

The void for vagueness claim should be supplemented with a selective enforcement challenge arising under the Court's equal protection jurisprudence. This should adequately protect against any finding that the challenged statute is facially valid, since the discriminatory enforcement of an otherwise facially valid law is unconstitutional under the equal protection clause. Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 373-74 (1886); Holder v. City of Allentown, 987 F.2d 188, 197 (3d Cir. 1993) (applying Yick Wo to a claim of discriminatory enforcement of a residency ordinance).

Generally, to establish selective enforcement a claimant must establish (1) that they were treated differently than other similarly situated individuals, and (2) that this selective treatment was motivated by an unjustifiable standard, such as race or religion, to punish or inhibit the exercise of constitutional rights, or by a malicious or bad faith attempt to injure the person. See, Holder, 987 F.2d at 197; Hill v. City of Scranton, 211 F.3d 118, 125 (3d Cir. 2005).

However, a selective enforcement claim can also be brought by a “class of one,” where the defendant alleges that they have been intentionally treated differently from others similarly situated and that there is no rational basis for the difference in treatment. Village of Willowbrook v. Olech, 528 U.S. 562, 564 (2000); see also Allegheny Pittsburgh Coal Co. v. County Commission of Webster County, 488 U.S. 336, 345-46 (1989). In Olech, the Court reaffirmed, "The purpose of the equal protection clause is to secure every person within a State's jurisdiction against intentional and arbitrary discrimination, whether occasioned by express terms of a statute or by its improper execution through duly constituted agents.” 528 U.S. at 564 (quoting Sioux City Bridge Co. v. Dakota County, 260 U.S. 441, 445 (1923) (quoting Sunday Lake Iron Co. v. Township of Wakefield, 247 U.S. 350, 352 (1918))).

Here, a police officer's "reasonable" mistake of law certainly qualifies as an "improper execution through duly constituted agents." Therefore, a mistake of law, no matter how "reasonable," subjects a defendant to different treatment than similarly situated individuals, without a rational basis for the difference in treatment.

As for the public policy argument, Justice Sotomayer provides a persuasive individual rights justification by asking "why an innocent citizen should be made to shoulder the burden of being seized whenever the law may be susceptible to an interpretive question." This argument can be supplemented with the ACLU's contention that the rule undermines respect for authority by inviting the public perception that police officers are unfamiliar with the law that they are seeking to enforce and will be held unaccountable for their mistakes.


Lawrence Christopher Skufca (2015)

The Tipping Point: Are Student Activists Being Targeted by U.S. Universities?



How many Rutgers students have heard of the Minerva Initiative? If Rutgers University and the Department of Defense had their choice, none of them would. The Minerva Initiative is a joint research project between the DOD and US universities which receive funding to study social movements to identify trigger events which may lead to civil unrest. [1]. Rutgers University is a project participant. [2].

The program was implemented in 2008 to formulate a strategy for identifying social movements and undermining their efforts to organize. Minerva was initiated over concerns that the economic crisis triggered by the mortgage collapse had the potential to lead to mass civil unrest such as occurred with the Arab Spring movement and the riots in France. The DOD asked University researchers to examine social media trends to identify "tipping points" which could ignite mass civil protests and to develop strategies for immobilizing potential threats.

It has been reported by the Guardian [3] and the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund [4] that these strategies were utilized by the FBI Joint Terrorism Task Force in response to the Occupy Wall Street Movement in 2011. The FBI identified leaders of the OWS movement in the months prior to the group occupying Zucotti Park by tracking the activity of group organizers on social media sites. The JTTF then formulated a joint national response among local police departments and corporate security personnel aimed at suppressing the protests. Furthermore, the ACLU has reported that this type of data mining has been regularly used by the F.B.I. and cooperating law enforcement agencies to target journalists, whistle-blowers and activists for engaging in First Amendment speech. [5].

The practical effect of the Minerva Initiative has been that paranoid University administrators, fueled with fear propaganda supplied by the DOD and law enforcement agencies, are currently monitoring student's electronic activity on their networks to identify "potential threats." This has led to a number of socially concious students who are too politically outspoken being labeled as agitators. These students are then monitored, targeted and harassed by University police and administrators seeking to neutralize the threat and deter student protests.

This, coupled with the Snowden revelations over the NSA mass domestic surveillance programs, raises legitimate concerns over the potential for abuse within the US intelligence community's domestic surveillance network. The NSA has admitted that their mass surveillance and data collection programs have not led to the prevention a single act of domestic terrorism in the US. [6]. However, the program has created a culture of paranoia and retaliation against political dissidents deemed to pose a threat. This has created a noticeable chilling effect on individuals discussing controversial subject material or questioning the underlying motivations behind public policy decisions.

More information about the Minerva Initiative can be found at:  minerva.dtic.mil.

The FBI documents obtained by the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund in their 2012 Freedom of Information Act request can be found at: http://www.justiceonline.org/fbi_files_ows#document.

More information about the crackdown on journalists, whistleblowers and activists can be found at:  https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/assets/unleashed-and-unaccountable-fbi-report.pdf.



Lawrence Christopher Skufca (2015)

Bibliography


[1]   Stable URL: http://minerva.dtic.mil/overview.html. [accessed 6/15/2015].
[2]   Stable URL: http://minerva.dtic.mil/funded.html [accessed 6/15/2015].
[3]   Stable URL: http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/dec/29/fbi-coordinated-crackdown-occupy [accessed 6/15/2015].
[4]   Stable URL: http://www.justiceonline.org/fbi_files_ows [accessed 6/15/2015].
[5]   Stable URL: https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/assets/unleashed-and-unaccountable-fbi-report.pdf [accessed 6/15/2015].
[6]   Stable URL: https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/nsa-phone-record-collection-does-little-to-prevent-terrorist [accessed 6/15/2015].

Friday, August 14, 2015

Freedom of the Press: The Suppression of Uncomfortable Inquiries


Gary Webb was an award winning investigative journalist who was best known for his 1996 series of articles in the San Jose Mercury News, entitled "Dark Alliance." The series exposed a crack-cocaine drug trafficking ring operated by associates of the Nicaraguan Contra Rebels, acting with the knowledge and protection of the CIA, which extended from Los Angeles, CA, to the Midwestern United States. Webb's investigation revealed that Oscar Danilo Blandon, Norwin Meneses, and "Freeway" Rick Ross had been working with gangs in Los Angeles to distribute the cocaine, leading to speculation that the CIA had intentionally targeted black neighborhoods with the flow of drugs. The profits from the drug trafficking were allegedly used to help finance the CIA sponsored Contra rebel uprising against the Sandinista government.

When Webb's story originally broke, he was viciously attacked by major media outlets, such as the N.Y. Times and Washington Post. An internal CIA analysis entitled “Managing a Nightmare: CIA Public Affairs and the Drug Conspiracy Story,” documents the alarm Webb's allegations raised within the intelligence community and the efforts of the CIA public relations staff to contain the damage caused by the articles. [1]. The analysis describes how the CIA utilized its media contacts to influence public opinion and discredit Webb's research. Major U.S. newspapers created additional confusion by attributing many of the more extreme claims being made by conservative talk show radio hosts directly to Webb, which further called the journalist's credibility into question. During a May 22, 2013, radio interview on KPCC-FM 89.3's AirTalk With Larry Mantle, Los Angeles Times reporter, Jesse Katz alleged, that the L.A. Times responded to Webb's revelations by forming a “get Gary Webb team” of approximately seventeen journalists, who were specifically tasked with producing material to discredit Webb. [2]. The tremendous media pressure placed upon Mercury News' executive editor Jerry Ceppos, eventually caused him to retract his support of Webb, who was unceremoniously forced out of his position.

Despite the CIA campaign to discredit Webb, it has since become apparent that both, the Press and the CIA, had been aware of the CIA's alleged involvement in drug trafficking activity for over a decade prior to the publication of Webb's articles. On Dec. 20, 1985, the Associated Press had reported a possible link between the Nicaraguan rebels and drug trafficking. [3]. In response, then-Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) launched a congressional investigation into the allegations in early 1986. After an internal CIA investigation, Inspector General Frederick Hitz acknowledged that CIA agents had turned a blind eye to Contra elements involved in drug smuggling during the Contra War, in an effort to avoid setbacks to the U.S. political agenda. [4]. The Inspector General found that “CIA knowledge of allegations or information indicating that organizations or individuals had been involved in drug trafficking did not deter their use by CIA.” Furthermore, the Inspector General reported the “CIA did not inform Congress of all allegations or information it received indicating that Contra-related organizations or individuals were involved in drug trafficking.”

A 1988 report prepared by the Senate sub-committee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations in response to the Congressional hearings determined that a minimum of $800,000 in State Department funds had been paid to known drug traffickers. [5]. The report was co-sponsored by Kerry and then-Senator Christopher Dodd (D-Mass.). Kerry asserted unequivocally,“There is no question in my mind that people affiliated with, or on the payroll of, the CIA were involved in drug trafficking.

On September 18, 1996, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of California requested that the CIA determine whether the agency had any relationship with Ricky Donnell Ross, Oscar Danilo Blandon Reyes, Juan Norwin Meneses Cantarero, Ronald Jay Lister, or David Scott Weekly, due to the five individuals being mentioned in Webb's August 1996 San Jose Mercury News articles which alleged the CIA was connected to the drug trafficking activities of Ross, Blandon and Meneses. [6]. In response to the U.S. Attorney's request, the Records Validation Officer (RVO) for the Agency's Directorate of Operations (DO) submitted a Declaration to the U.S. District Court on November 4, 1996 in the matter of U.S. v Ricky Ross (case # 95-0353-H). [7]. The RVO's Declaration certified that CIA records included no information of any kind concerning Ross, but that "with respect to Blandon, Meneses, Lister, and Weekly, there was relevant information in CIA files, but no information indicating any Agency relationship with these individuals. [8]. Nevertheless, the RVO's Declaration did concede that on October 30, 1986, a cable was sent from the Directorate of Operations Foreign Resources Division to CIA Headquarters notifying them that Danilo Blandon, Norwin Meneses and Ronald Lister had been arrested by the L.A. Sheriff's Department for narcotics trafficking and were claiming that they were connected to the CIA. [9]. On October 31, 1986, CIA Headquarters responded: "There are no [Headquarters] traces on Ronald ((Lister)) or Danilo ((Blandon))," while acknowledging their awareness that Norwin Meneses was "well known" in the Nicaraguan Mafia for "dealing in drugs, weapons and smuggling and laundering of counterfeit money, describing "Norwing [sic] ((Meneses)) Cantarero as the kingpin of narcotics traffickers in Nicaragua prior to the fall of Somoza." [10].

After being dismissed by the Mercury News, Webb worked as an investigator with the California State Legislature's Office of Majority Services. Webb conducted an investigation into racial profiling by the California Highway Patrol, which appeared in Esquire Magazine in April 1999. In 2001, Webb investigated a $95 million no-bid contract awarded to the Oracle Corporation. After leaving his position with the Office of Majority Services in February 2004, Webb found a home as a free-lance investigative reporter for the Sacramento News and Review.

On December 10, 2004, Webb was found dead at his home in Carmichael, CA. The Sacramento County Medical Examiner classified the death as a suicide, despite the fact that Webb had suffered two gunshot wounds to the head.

In May 2013, former Los Angeles Times reporter, Jesse Katz, acknowledged that Webb had turned out to be correct and publicly apologized for the role he played in ruining the controversial journalist's career. On October 02, 2014, N.Y. Times media critic, David Carr, admitted that the thrust of what Webb wrote about “really happened,” making passing reference to Kerry’s “little-noticed 1988 Senate subcommittee report.” [11]. Conversely, on October 17, 2014, the Washington Post's assistant managing editor for investigations, Jeff Leen, doubled down describing Gary Webb as "no hero,'" accusing his articles of containing "overblown claims and undernourished reporting." [12].  I guess there truly is one in every crowd.

Lawrence Christopher Skufca (2015)



       [accessed July 6, 2015].
[4]   Stable URL: http://fas.org/irp/congress/1998_hr/980316-ps.htm [accessed July 6, 2015].
        [accessed July 6, 2015]. 
        [accessed July 6, 2015]. See Par. 92.
[7]   Ibid, Par. 93.
[8]   Ibid, Par. 94.
[9]   Ibid, Par. 97. 
[10] Ibid, Par 98. 

Guerrilla Open Access Manifesto



Information is power. But like all power, there are those who want to keep it for themselves. The world's entire scientific and cultural heritage, published over centuries in books and journals, is increasingly being digitized and locked up by a handful of private corporations. Want to read the papers featuring the most famous results of the sciences? You'll need to send enormous amounts to publishers like Reed Elsevier.

There are those struggling to change this. The Open Access Movement has fought valiantly to ensure that scientists do not sign their copyrights away but instead ensure their work is published on the Internet, under terms that allow anyone to access it. But even under the best scenarios, their work will only apply to things published in the future. Everything up until now will have been lost.

That is too high a price to pay. Forcing academics to pay money to read the work of their colleagues? Scanning entire libraries but only allowing the folks at Google to read them? Providing scientific articles to those at elite universities in the First World, but not to children in the Global South? It's outrageous and unacceptable.

"I agree," many say, "but what can we do? The companies hold the copyrights, they make enormous amounts of money by charging for access, and it's perfectly legal — there's nothing we can do to stop them." But there is something we can, something that's already being done: we can fight back.

Those with access to these resources — students, librarians, scientists — you have been given a privilege. You get to feed at this banquet of knowledge while the rest of the world is locked out. But you need not — indeed, morally, you cannot — keep this privilege for yourselves. You have a duty to share it with the world. And you have: trading passwords with colleagues, filling download requests for friends.

Meanwhile, those who have been locked out are not standing idly by. You have been sneaking through holes and climbing over fences, liberating the information locked up by the publishers and sharing them with your friends.

But all of this action goes on in the dark, hidden underground. It's called stealing or piracy, as if sharing a wealth of knowledge were the moral equivalent of plundering a ship and murdering its crew. But sharing isn't immoral — it's a moral imperative. Only those blinded by greed would refuse to let a friend make a copy.

Large corporations, of course, are blinded by greed. The laws under which they operate require it — their shareholders would revolt at anything less. And the politicians they have bought off back them, passing laws giving them the exclusive power to decide who can make copies.

There is no justice in following unjust laws. It's time to come into the light and, in the grand tradition of civil disobedience, declare our opposition to this private theft of public culture.

We need to take information, wherever it is stored, make our copies and share them with the world. We need to take stuff that's out of copyright and add it to the archive. We need to buy secret databases and put them on the Web. We need to download scientific journals and upload them to file sharing networks. We need to fight for Guerilla Open Access.

With enough of us, around the world, we'll not just send a strong message opposing the privatization of knowledge — we'll make it a thing of the past. Will you join us?

Aaron Swartz,
July 2008, Eremo, Italy